American Indians and Plants in the Great
Basin: An Ancient Relationship
American Indians and their ancestors have been living
and subsisting on the natural plants of the Great Basin for thousands
of years. Over time, as American Indians seasonally harvested the natural
floral resources, and the resources accordingly responded to this process,
a symbiotic relationship developed between the American Indians of the
Great Basin, their cultural lifeway, and the regions plant life. As
this relationship developed and became more intricate and complex, American
Indians flourished in the seemingly desolate Great Basin environment
for thousands of years.
Originally, many scholars viewed the possibility of this ancient relationship
with some skepticism, primarily because of the early anthropological
work of Julien Steward, and the overall general unfamiliarity with the
Great Basin environment. Rather than according the American Indians
of the Great Basin the knowledge and cultural sophistication they deserved
for sustainably and symbiotically living in their homeland, scholars
hypothesized that indigenous Great Basin peoples were:
1) the least developed in terms of cultural sophistication
and complexity,
2) had only recently migrated into the Great Basin from more resource
rich areas, and
3) had little or no knowledge of Great Basin ecology. Therefore,
4) they were a dying cultural group that required little or no consultation
in contemporary Great Basin resource issues.
As researchers began to actually work with Great Basin peoples, and
slowly learned the epistemic value of their traditional ecological knowledge,
a very different understanding has emerged. It became apparent that
the indigenous people of the Great Basin had only recently been displaced
from their homelands by Euroamericans, and that their traditional lifeways
and the general Great Basin ecosystem were only recently altered. The
apparent desolate situation of Great Basin peoples that anthropologists
first encountered and their seeming demise was simply the result of
Euroamerican colonial processes. Further, it became clear as more research
was conducted that an ancient relationship between American Indians
and plants in the Great Basin existed, and that knowledge from such
a relationship could offer insights into restoring the Great Basin ecosystem
and other contemporary resources issues.
The Great Basin is a region encompassing more than 115,800 square miles
between the Sierra Nevada of California in the west and the Wasatch
Range of Utah in the east. The region is bounded to the north by the
lower Snake River plain in Idaho and to the south by the Grand Canyon
and Colorado River. Composed of a series of large, internally draining
basins in which seasonal lacustrine marshes and lakes form, the Great
Basin has historically provided a rich variety of resources that American
Indians have relied upon for 10,000 years or more. Furthermore, these
seasonally dry and sparsely vegetated basins are geographically divided
by a series of north to south mountain ranges that historically provided
resources in a seasonal cycle from the basin floor to the upper mountain
slopes. As a result of this geography, perennial mountain streams form
each spring that historically provided a number of riverine based floral
resources. By knowing the environment, weather, and geography of the
Great Basin, American Indians could successfully find plant resources
at all times of the year. Evidence for this ancient and symbiotic relationship
comes from archaeological and ethnographic data.
The archaeological evidence, which has become more refined and extensive
since the time of early theories discussing American Indians of the
Great Basin, argues that American Indians and plants of the Great Basin
have shared an 8,000 year or longer relationship. In the eastern Great
Basin, for example, the earliest evidence of people in the area comes
from sites located along prehistoric lakeshores in the basin floors
where people subsisted largely on seasonally available lacustrine resources.
Later, evidence indicates that Great Basin peoples began to also utilize
upland regions that were situated in the piñon-juniper ecozones,
allowing access to sage and grass communities as well as higher montane
resources. Faunal and floral macrofossils, coupled with pollen analyses
from across the Great Basin, further evidences a dependence on wetland
food resources augmented with small seeds from dryland plants beginning
in the early Holocene (9600-7000 years ago) and continuing into the
ethnographic period. Although other resources apparently fluctuated
over time in the diets of Great Basin peoples, plant-based resources
remained constant.
Not only was plant-life exploited for subsistence purposes, but peoples
of the Great Basin also used floral resources in the construction of
shelters, mats, clothing, and especially baskets. The exploitation of
plant-life in the construction of baskets was so important, in fact,
that it has been possible to identify at least three distinct basketry
manufacturing regions. Each region had special characteristics that
delineated it from other basketry manufacturing styles, such as in the
northern Great Basin where at least 13 different basket wall-construction
techniques have been identified over time. These include at least six
different coiling techniques and seven basic twining methods such as
close simple twining, close diagonal twining, and open simple twining.
Beginning in the 1800s, however, contact with Euroamericans and their
cultural products (i.e., diseases, material goods, weapons, horses,
etc.) resulted in a disruption of the millennia old relationship between
American Indians and plants of the Great Basin. This disruption was
rapid and severe, as thousands of Euroamericans entered the Great Basin
to begin agricultural, industrial, or resource extraction endeavors.
These processes and events, such as the now famous Comstock mining explosion,
or the development of the Newlands project near present-day Reno, or
the massive cattle and sheep ranching operations that took place in
the early and middle twentieth century, completely disrupted the ancient
symbiotic relationship between American Indians and plants in the Great
Basin.
These colonizing processes of the 1800s radically changed the ecology
of the Great Basin. The seasonal marshes and lacustrine resources were
either trampled, drained, or consumed. Large areas were transformed
into agricultural fields that produced non-indigenous agricultural products.
Giant mines and their waste transformed entire mountains and watersheds,
polluting the land and making it impossible for the native plants to
grow. As a result of these and many other processes, the relationship
between American Indians and plants of the Great Basin has been seriously
tested. Unable to access traditional resources and areas, much of this
relationship has been maintained through oral traditions, ceremonial
and religious practices, and in the minds and hearts of tribal elders.
Today, however, there may be hope for strengthening this relationship
once again.
Great Basin peoples are beginning to establish cultural programs that
teach their youth ancient cultural values and knowledge. Environmentalists
and resource managers are attempting to clean up mines and restore watersheds,
and applied and action-oriented social scientists are advocating for
the inclusion of Great Basin peoples’ voices in resource issues.
Together these processes bring hope to a formally bleak picture. By
working together, it is possible to once again approach a sustainable
relationship between American Indians and plants of the Great Basin.
All that is different is that now there are a few more voices in the
relationship – voices that each deserve equal weight.
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